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PRESENTATION Kenyan KUFI Glass BEAD Hat belonged to PRESIDENT KENYATTA of Kenya “Superb undamaged condition with little sign of use-wear VINTAGE item in WELL PRESERVED and treasured ”A FANTASTIC AUTHENTICATED GLASS BEAD KUFI GLASS BEAD CAP WORN BY KENYAN LEADER JOMO KENYATTA AND AUTHENTICATED BY R. ACHIENG ONEKO (Ramogi Achieng Oneko was a Kenyan freedom fighter and a politician. In Kenya, he is considered as a national hero. He was born in Tieng’a village in Uyoma sub-location in Bondo District in 1920 and educated at Maseno School. ) Jomo Kenyatta was a Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician who governed Kenya as its Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964 and then as its first President from 1964 to his death in 1978. Ramogi Achieng Oneko (1920–2007) was a Kenyan freedom fighter and a politician. In Kenya, he is considered as a national hero. He was born in Tieng’a village in Uyoma sub-location in Bondo District in 1920[1] and educated at Maseno School.[2] DetentionOneko was one of the six freedom fighters arrested by the British colonial government in Kapenguria in 1952. Other members of the group, known as « Kapenguria Six » were Jomo Kenyatta, Paul Ngei, Bildad Kaggia, Kungu Karumba and Fred Kubai. They were arrested for allegedly being linked with the Mau Mau rebellion movement.[3] Oneko was charged as « Accused No.3. » After they were convicted, all six appealed the conviction. The appeal judges found that Oneko had largely been convicted on the weight of an KAU meeting he had attended.[4] The statements at the meeting were mostly in Kikuyu, which he did not understand at the time. Although the judges acquitted him of the charges on 15 January 1954, he was still held in detention with the other Kapenguria Five.[citation needed] They were released nine years later, in 1961, two years before Kenya gained independence.[5] PoliticsThe first parliamentary election were held on independence in 1963 and Achieng Oneko won the Nakuru Town Constituency seat.[6] Jomo Kenyatta became the first president of Kenya and soon appointed Achieng Oneko Minister for Information, Broadcasting and Tourism. However, in 1966 Oneko quit the government and joined the newly created Kenya People’s Union, a socialist party led by his comrade Oginga Odinga.[3] In 1969 Oneko was arrested by his former friend Kenyatta following an incident in Kisumu during Kenyatta’s visit to the town. Oneko was released in 1975.[3] Oneko returned to politics in 1992 when he was elected as an MP at the first multiparty elections in Kenya. He represented Ford-Kenya party, led by Oginga Odinga. However, he lost his Rarieda Constituency seat at the next elections held in 1997.[3] LegacyOneko died of a heart attack aged 87 on 9 June 2007 at his home in Kunya village, Rarieda, Bondo District.[7] Oneko left a widow Loice Anyango. His eldest wife Jedida died in 1992.[3] He has 11 children, seven sons and four daughters.[7] His oldest son is Dr Ongonga Achieng.[8] At the time of his death, Oneko was the only one of the « Kapenguria six » still alive. Mashujaa Day (previously known as Kenyatta Day until the promulgation of the new Kenya constitution on 27 August 2010) is a national holiday in Kenya that commemorates the detention of the Kapenguria Six on 20 October 1952.[9] Kenya today bids farewell to Independence struggle hero and political icon. His death a week ago turned a new leaf on the history of Kenya. He was 87.A pioneer Kenyan newspaper editor, a freedom fighter, a controversial politician and a businessman, Ramogi Achieng’ Oneko leaves behind a rich legacy. He was a disciplinarian and had a penchant for neatness. For this, his peers nicknamed him Nyakech (gazelle). « Oneko was a smart man. He liked well-pressed suits and one hardly spotted dirt on his shorts, even on a muddy day. He always walked gracefully, with calculated steps, hence the name Nyakech, » says Mr Odungi Randa, who knew Oneko from childhood. He was the last of the famous Kapenguria Six – the freedom fighters arrested and detained by colonialists, at the height of the emergency in the 1950s. As Kenyans troop to Kunya village to bury him, the names of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and his comrade-turned-foe, and Kenya’s first Vice- President, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, are on the lips. It was Oneko who introduced Odinga to Kenyatta in June 1952 in a dingy shop in Kisumu. In his book, Not Yet Uhuru, Jaramogi reveals how Oneko who was his former student at Maseno school, introduced him to Kenyatta. In a letter he wrote to Kenyatta on June 27, 1952, Jaramogi showered Oneko with praises: « Achieng’ Oneko had been my right hand man and I could have lost all the world but Achieng’. » « Oneko was with me at Maseno in 1940. I became a housemaster and he was a dormitory prefect. I was athletics master, he was a good sprinter, » says Jaramogi in his book. Four months after the meeting, Kenyatta and Oneko were arrested and detained in Kapenguria alongside four other freedom fighters – Kung’u Karumba, Bildad Kaggia, Paul Ngei and Fred Kubai, for allegedly supporting the Mau Mau movement. In the clamour for Independence, Oneko was more of a radical politician than Jaramogi and Kenyatta, yet there is little to show for this heroism today. He lived a simple life at his rural home in Kunya, Bondo. Apart from his old dark Subaru saloon car and a blockhouse, Oneko was no different from a peasant farmer. In 1951, Oneko and the late Mbiyu Koinange led a delegation to London to discuss land issues. « Oneko believed in fair distribution of resources and this is what made him differ with many of his friends, » says Randa. Randa, a former aide to the late Jaramogi, says he first saw Oneko during a political rally in Kisumu that was attended by former Presidents – Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), Milton Obote (Uganda) and Kenneth Kaunda (Zambia) – all then for the independence for their countries. Pall bearers carry the remains of Ramogi Achieng’ Oneko at his Rarieda home in Bondo upon arrival on Friday. Picture by Titus Munala « I saw a slender, tall and handsome man. He was smartly dressed and I heard people calling him Nyakech Oluoro Chuodho (The gazelle loathes the mud),’’ says Randa 67, who was in class three at the time.He adds: « I later came to know him better as a freedom fighter because of his friendship with Jaramogi. They remained great friends until Jaramogi died in 1994. » In his book, Jaramogi reveals how he and Oneko started the Luo Thrift Trading Company that later thrived through East Africa. Later, Jaramogi and Oneko moved a printing press, which they had installed in Nairobi to Kisumu and the famous Ramogi Press was born. « When Oneko returned from Nairobi to work with me in Nyanza we constantly argued over priorities. Oneko wanted direct politics but I was cautious. While in Kisumu, Oneko edited the Ramogi and Nyanza Times, both mouthpieces for the Kenya African Union (KAU). His weekly columns always pricked colonialists. He was also involved in the organisation of KAU branch in Nairobi and later started a Kisumu Residents Association. On arrest Oneko was the only one who won on appeal on 1961, but later spent the rest of the emergency under restriction. When Kenyatta finally took over the Government in 1963, he appointed Oneko the Minister for Information, Broadcasting and Tourism. He was the MP for Nakuru Town. But their friendship with Kenyatta did not last. In 1966, he resigned from Kanu and the Cabinet and joined the Kenya People’s Union party. In his letter of resignation, Oneko recalled the days he and Kenyatta spent in detention. He said his continued stay in the Government was an embarrassment to his friends and accused a ‘clique of individuals’ of causing disunity in Kanu. « He was unhappy with certain policies on foreign affairs, land, agriculture, land and foreign loans. He also accused Kanu of failing to fulfill promises it made in its election manifesto, » says Jaramogi. Oneko was also unhappy that the then Voice of Kenya, which was under him, was being used to attack and undermine him. In 1969, Oneko become the only member of the Kapenguria Six to spend a second stint in detention. Kenyatta detained him following chaos that rocked Kisumu. Kenyatta had visited the town to open Russia Hospital – now the Nyanza Provincial General Hospital. He was detained until 1975. Ironically, it was in Kisumu, the scene of a bloody confrontation where the three first met to plot against the colonial government 17 years earlier. He remained behind the shadows until 1992 when he teamed up with Jaramogi again to launch the struggle for s second liberation through the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford), which later broke into three parties – Ford-Asili, Ford-Kenya and Ford-People. Oneko contested and won the Rarieda seat on a Ford-Kenya ticket. But he was ousted in 1997. He did not contest the seat in 2002, but retained his position at Ford-Kenya as its national treasurer. Randa says Oneko fell out with Jaramogi’s son Raila when the latter abandoned Ford-Kenya to start the National Democratic Party. Randa points out that he was not surprised by Oneko’s refusal to join Raila. « He was a principled man and we respected his decision, » says Randa. Oneko’s fortunes did not change in the Kanu era. At one time, then President Moi appointed Oneko chairman of the Kenya Film Corporation, but was to be dropped soon after. He was a great leader and a symbol of struggle for Independence. The late Oneko leaves behind a widow Loyce and 10 children. He lost his eldest wife, Jedida, in 1992. Jomo Kenyatta, original name Kamau Ngengi, (born c. 1894, Ichaweri, British East Africa [now in Kenya]—died August 22, 1978, Mombasa, Kenya), African statesman and nationalist, the first prime minister (1963–64) and then the first president (1964–78) of independent Kenya. Early lifeKenyatta was born as Kamau, son of Ngengi, at Ichaweri, southwest of Mount Kenya in the East African highlands. His father was a leader of a small Kikuyu agricultural settlement. About age 10 Kamau became seriously ill with jigger infections in his feet and one leg, and he underwent successful surgery at a newly established Church of Scotland mission. This was his initial contact with Europeans. Fascinated with what he had seen during his recuperation, Kamau ran away from home to become a resident pupil at the mission. He studied the Bible, English, mathematics, and carpentry and paid his fees by working as a houseboy and cook for a European settler. In August 1914 he was baptized with the name Johnstone Kamau. He was one of the earliest of the Kikuyu to leave the confines of his own culture. And, like many others, Kamau soon left the mission life for the urban attractions of Nairobi. There he secured a job as a clerk in the Public Works Department, and he also adopted the name Kenyatta, the Kikuyu term for a fancy belt that he wore. After serving briefly as an interpreter in the High Court, Kenyatta transferred to a post with the Nairobi Town Council. About this time he married and began to raise a family. The first African political protest movement in Kenya against a white-settler-dominated government began in 1921—the East Africa Association (EAA), led by an educated young Kikuyu named Harry Thuku. Kenyatta joined the following year. One of the EAA’s main purposes was to recover Kikuyu lands lost when Kenya became a British crown colony (1920). The Africans were dispossessed, leaseholds of land were restricted to white settlers, and native reservations were established. In 1925 the EAA disbanded as a result of government pressures, and its members re-formed as the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA). Three years later Kenyatta became this organization’s general secretary, though he had to give up his municipal job as a consequence. Entrance into full-time politicsIn May 1928 Kenyatta launched a monthly Kikuyu-language newspaper called Mwigithania (“He Who Brings Together”), aimed at gaining support from all sections of the Kikuyu. The paper was mild in tone, preaching self-improvement, and was tolerated by the government. But soon a new challenge appeared. A British commission recommended a closer union of the three East African territories (Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika). British settler leaders supported the proposal, expecting that internal self-government might follow. To the KCA such a prospect looked disastrous for Kikuyu interests; in February 1929 Kenyatta went to London to testify against the scheme, but in London the secretary of state for colonies refused to meet with him. In March 1930 Kenyatta wrote an eloquent letter in The Times of London setting out five issues championed by the KCA: (1) security of land tenure and the return of lands allotted to European settlers, (2) increased educational facilities, (3) repeal of hut taxes on women, which forced some to earn money by prostitution, (4) African representation in the Legislative Council, and (5) noninterference with traditional customs. He concluded by saying that the lack of these measures “must inevitably result in a dangerous explosion—the one thing all sane men wish to avoid.” Again in 1931 Kenyatta’s testimony on the issue of closer union of the three colonies was refused, despite the help of liberals in the House of Commons. In the end, however, the government temporarily abandoned its plan for union. Kenyatta did manage to testify on behalf of Kikuyu land claims in 1932 at hearings of the Carter Land Commission. The commission decided to offer compensation for some appropriated territories but maintained the “white highlands” policy, which restricted the Kikuyu to overcrowded reserves. Kenyatta subsequently visited the Soviet Union (he spent two years at Moscow State University) and traveled extensively through Europe; on his return to England he studied anthropology under Bronisław Malinowski at the London School of Economics. His thesis was revised and published in 1938 as Facing Mount Kenya, a study of the traditional life of the Kikuyu characterized by both insight and a tinge of romanticism. This book signaled another name change, to Jomo (“Burning Spear”) Kenyatta. During the 1930s Kenyatta briefly joined the Communist Party, met other black nationalists and writers, and organized protests against the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. The onset of World War II temporarily cut him off from the KCA, which was banned by the Kenya authorities as potentially subversive. Kenyatta maintained himself in England by lecturing and working as a farm labourer, and he continued to produce political pamphlets publicizing the Kikuyu cause. Kenyatta helped organize the fifth Pan-African Congress, which met in Manchester, England, on October 15–18, 1945, with W.E.B. Du Bois of the United States in the chair; Kwame Nkrumah, the future leader of Ghana, was also present. Resolutions were passed and plans discussed for mass nationalist movements to demand independence from colonial rule. Return to Kenya of Jomo KenyattaKenyatta returned to Kenya in September 1946 to take up leadership of the newly formed Kenya African Union, of which he was elected president in June 1947. From the Kenya African Teachers College, which he directed as an alternative to government educational institutions, Kenyatta organized a mass nationalist party. But he had to produce tangible results in return for the allegiance of his followers, and the colonial government in Kenya was still dominated by unyielding settler interests. The “dangerous explosion” among the Kikuyu that he had predicted in 1930 erupted as the Mau Mau rebellion of 1952, which was directed against the presence of European settlers in Kenya and their ownership of land. On October 21, 1952, Kenyatta was arrested on charges of having directed the Mau Mau movement. Despite government efforts to portray Kenyatta’s trial as a criminal case, it received worldwide publicity as a political proceeding. In April 1953 Kenyatta was sentenced to a seven-year imprisonment for “managing the Mau Mau terrorist organization.” He denied the charge then and afterward, maintaining that the Kenya African Union’s political activities were not directly associated with Mau Mau violence. The British government responded to African demands by gradually steering the country toward African majority rule. In 1960 the principle of one man, one vote was conceded. Kenyan nationalist leaders such as Tom Mboya and Oginga Odinga organized the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and elected Kenyatta (still in detention despite having completed his sentence) president in absentia; they refused to cooperate with the British while Kenyatta was detained. In a press conference Kenyatta promised that “Europeans would find a place in the future Kenya provided they took their place as ordinary citizens.” Kenyatta was released in August 1961, and, at the London Conference early in 1962, he negotiated the constitutional terms leading to Kenya’s independence. KANU won the preindependence election in May 1963, forming a provisional government, and Kenya celebrated its independence on December 12, 1963, with Kenyatta as prime minister. A year later Kenya became a one-party republic when the main opposition party went into voluntary liquidation. At the same time, Kenyatta became the first president of Kenya under a new constitutional amendment. In this office he headed a strong central government, and successive constitutional amendments increased his authority, giving him, for instance, the power to arrest political opponents and detain them without trial if he considered them dangerous to public order—a power he used effectively though infrequently. To forestall any tribally based opposition, Kenyatta consistently appointed members of different ethnic groups to his government, though he relied most heavily on his fellow Kikuyu. In general, Kenya enjoyed remarkable political stability under Kenyatta’s rule, though conflicts within KANU’s political leadership did occasionally break out because of ideological differences and tribal rivalries. Kenyatta early on rejected socialist calls for the nationalization of property and instead preached a doctrine of personal and entrepreneurial effort, symbolized by his slogan “Harambee,” or “Pulling together.” Besides relying heavily on a free-market economy, he encouraged foreign investment from Western and other countries. Largely as a result of his policies, Kenya’s gross national product grew almost fivefold from 1971 to 1981, and its rate of economic growth was among the highest on the continent in the first two decades after independence. But though economic growth benefited large numbers of people, it also led to tremendous disparities of wealth, much of which was in the hands of Kenyatta’s family and close associates. This concentration of wealth, along with an extremely high rate of population growth, meant that most Kenyans did not realize a correspondingly large increase in their living standards under Kenyatta’s leadership. In foreign policy, Kenyatta’s government was consistently friendly toward the West. Always—in spite of his imprisonment by the British authorities—one of the more pro-British of African leaders, Kenyatta made Kenya the most stable black African country and one of the most economically dynamic. After his death at Mombasa in 1978, Kenyatta was succeeded by Daniel arap Moi, who continued most of his policies. Jomo Kenyatta[a] (c. 1897 – 22 August 1978) was a Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician who governed Kenya as its Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964 and then as its first President from 1964 to his death in 1978. He was the country’s first indigenous head of government and played a significant role in the transformation of Kenya from a colony of the British Empire into an independent republic. Ideologically an African nationalist and conservative, he led the Kenya African National Union (KANU) party from 1961 until his death. Kenyatta was born to Kikuyu farmers in Kiambu, British East Africa. Educated at a mission school, he worked in various jobs before becoming politically engaged through the Kikuyu Central Association. In 1929, he travelled to London to lobby for Kikuyu land affairs. During the 1930s, he studied at Moscow’s Communist University of the Toilers of the East, University College London, and the London School of Economics. In 1938, he published an anthropological study of Kikuyu life before working as a farm labourer in Sussex during the Second World War. Influenced by his friend George Padmore, he embraced anti-colonialist and Pan-African ideas, co-organising the 1945 Pan-African Congress in Manchester. He returned to Kenya in 1946 and became a school principal. In 1947, he was elected President of the Kenya African Union, through which he lobbied for independence from British colonial rule, attracting widespread indigenous support but animosity from white settlers. In 1952, he was among the Kapenguria Six arrested and charged with masterminding the anti-colonial Mau Mau Uprising. Although protesting his innocence—a view shared by later historians—he was convicted. He remained imprisoned at Lokitaung until 1959 and was then exiled to Lodwar until 1961. On his release, Kenyatta became President of KANU and led the party to victory in the 1963 general election. As Prime Minister, he oversaw the transition of the Kenya Colony into an independent republic, of which he became president in 1964. Desiring a one-party state, he transferred regional powers to his central government, suppressed political dissent, and prohibited KANU’s only rival—Oginga Odinga’s leftist Kenya People’s Union—from competing in elections. He promoted reconciliation between the country’s indigenous ethnic groups and its European minority, although his relations with the Kenyan Indians were strained and Kenya’s army clashed with Somali separatists in the North Eastern Province during the Shifta War. His government pursued capitalist economic policies and the « Africanisation » of the economy, prohibiting non-citizens from controlling key industries. Education and healthcare were expanded, while UK-funded land redistribution favoured KANU loyalists and exacerbated ethnic tensions. Under Kenyatta, Kenya joined the Organisation of African Unity and the Commonwealth of Nations, espousing a pro-Western and anti-communist foreign policy amid the Cold War. Kenyatta died in office and was succeeded by Daniel arap Moi. Kenyatta was a controversial figure. Prior to Kenyan independence, many of its white settlers regarded him as an agitator and malcontent, although across Africa he gained widespread respect as an anti-colonialist. During his presidency, he was given the honorary title of Mzee and lauded as the Father of the Nation, securing support from both the black majority and the white minority with his message of reconciliation. Conversely, his rule was criticised as dictatorial, authoritarian, and neo-colonial, of favouring Kikuyu over other ethnic groups, and of facilitating the growth of widespread corruption. Contents1Early life1.1Childhood1.2Nairobi: 1914–19221.3Kikuyu Central Association: 1922–19292Overseas2.1London: 1929–19312.2Return to Europe: 1931–19332.3University College London and the London School of Economics: 1933–19392.4World War II: 1939–19453Return to Kenya3.1Presidency of the Kenya African Union: 1946–19523.2Trial: 1952–19533.3Imprisonment: 1954–19613.4Preparing for independence: 1961–19634Leadership4.1Premiership: 1963–19644.2Presidency: 1964–19784.2.1Economic policy4.2.2Land, healthcare, and education reform4.2.3Foreign policy4.2.4Dissent and the one-party state4.3Illness and death5Political ideology5.1Views on Pan-Africanism and socialism6Personality and personal life7Legacy7.1Domestic influence and posthumous assessment8Bibliography9Notes10References10.1Footnotes10.2Sources11Further reading12External linksEarly lifeChildhood A traditional Kikuyu house similar to that in which Kenyatta would have lived in NgindaA member of the Kikuyu people, Kenyatta was born with the name Kamau in the village of Nginda.[2] Birth records were not then kept among the Kikuyu, and Kenyatta’s date of birth is not known.[3] One biographer, Jules Archer, suggested he was likely born in 1890,[4] although a fuller analysis by Jeremy Murray-Brown suggested a birth circa 1897 or 1898.[5] Kenyatta’s father was named Muigai, and his mother Wambui.[2] They lived in a homestead near the River Thiririka, where they raised crops, bred sheep and goats.[2] Muigai was sufficiently wealthy that he could afford to keep several wives, each living in a separate nyūmba (woman’s hut).[6] Kenyatta was raised according to traditional Kikuyu custom and belief, and was taught the skills needed to herd the family flock.[7] When he was ten, his earlobes were pierced to mark his transition from childhood.[8] Wambui subsequently bore another son, Kongo,[9] shortly before Muigai died.[10] In keeping with Kikuyu tradition, Wambui then married her late husband’s younger brother, Ngengi.[10] Kenyatta then took the name of Kamau wa Ngengi (« Kamau, son of Ngengi »).[11] Wambui bore her new husband a son, whom they also named Muigai.[10] Ngengi was harsh and resentful toward the three boys, and Wambui decided to take her youngest son to live with her parental family further north.[10] It was there that she died, and Kenyatta—who was very fond of the younger Muigai—travelled to collect his infant half-brother.[10] Kenyatta then moved in with his grandfather, Kongo wa Magana, and assisted the latter in his role as a traditional healer.[12] « Missionaries have done a lot of good work because it was through the missionary that many of the Kikuyu got their first education … and were able to learn how to read and write … Also, the medical side of it: the missionary did very well. At the same time I think the missionaries … did not understand the value of the African custom, and many of them tried to stamp out some of the customs without knowing the part they play in the life of the Kikuyu … They upset the life of the people. » —Kenyatta, in a BBC interview, 1963[13]In November 1909, Kenyatta left home and enrolled as a pupil at the Church of Scotland Mission (CSM) at Thogoto.[14] The missionaries were zealous Christians who believed that bringing Christianity to the indigenous peoples of Eastern Africa was part of Britain’s civilizing mission.[15] While there, Kenyatta stayed at the small boarding school, where he learnt stories from the Bible,[16] and was taught to read and write in English.[17] He also performed chores for the mission, including washing the dishes and weeding the gardens.[18] He was soon joined at the mission dormitory by his brother Kongo.[19] The longer the pupils stayed, the more they came to resent the patronising way many of the British missionaries treated them.[20] Kenyatta’s academic progress was unremarkable, and in July 1912 he became an apprentice to the mission’s carpenter.[21] That year, he professed his dedication to Christianity and began undergoing catechism.[21] In 1913, he underwent the Kikuyu circumcision ritual; the missionaries generally disapproved of this custom, but it was an important aspect of Kikuyu tradition, allowing Kenyatta to be recognized as an adult.[22] Asked to take a Christian name for his upcoming baptism, he first chose both John and Peter after Jesus’ apostles. Forced by the missionaries to choose just one, he chose Johnstone, the -stone chosen as a reference to Peter.[23] Accordingly, he was baptized as Johnstone Kamau in August 1914.[24] After his baptism, Kenyatta moved out of the mission dormitory and lived with friends.[25] Having completed his apprenticeship to the carpenter, Kenyatta requested that the mission allow him to be an apprentice stonemason, but they refused.[25] He then requested that the mission recommend him for employment, but the head missionary refused because of an allegation of minor dishonesty.[26] Nairobi: 1914–1922Kenyatta moved to Thika, where he worked for an engineering firm run by the Briton John Cook. In this position, he was tasked with fetching the company wages from a bank in Nairobi, 25 miles (40 km) away.[27] Kenyatta left the job when he became seriously ill; he recuperated at a friend’s house in the Tumutumu Presbyterian mission.[28] At the time, the British Empire was engaged in the First World War, and the British Army had recruited many Kikuyu. One of those who joined was Kongo, who disappeared during the conflict; his family never learned of his fate.[29] Kenyatta did not join the armed forces, and like other Kikuyu he moved to live among the Maasai, who had refused to fight for the British.[30] Kenyatta lived with the family of an aunt who had married a Maasai chief,[31] adopting Maasai customs and wearing Maasai jewellery, including a beaded belt known as kinyata in the Kikuyu language. At some point, he took to calling himself « Kinyata » or « Kenyatta » after this garment.[32] In 1917, Kenyatta moved to Narok, where he was involved in transporting livestock to Nairobi,[31] before relocating to Nairobi to work in a store selling farming and engineering equipment.[31] In the evenings, he took classes in a church mission school.[31] Several months later he returned to Thika before obtaining employment building houses for the Thogota Mission.[33] He also lived for a time in Dagoretti, where he became a retainer for a local sub-chief, Kioi; in 1919 he assisted Kioi in putting the latter’s case in a land dispute before a Nairobi court.[34] Desiring a wife,[35] Kenyatta entered a relationship with Grace Wahu, who had attended the CMS School in Kabete; she initially moved into Kenyatta’s family homestead,[35] although she joined Kenyatta in Dagoretti when Ngengi drove her out.[35] On 20 November 1920 she gave birth to Kenyatta’s son, Peter Muigui.[36] In October 1920, Kenyatta was called before the Thogota Kirk Session and suspended from taking Holy Communion; the suspension was in response to his drinking and his relations with Wahu out of wedlock.[37] The church insisted that a traditional Kikuyu wedding would be inadequate, and that he must undergo a Christian marriage;[38] this took place on 8 November 1922.[39] Kenyatta had initially refused to cease drinking,[38] but in July 1923 officially renounced alcohol and was allowed to return to Holy Communion.[40] In April 1922, Kenyatta began working as a stores clerk and meter reader for Cook, who had been appointed water superintendent for Nairobi’s municipal council.[41] He earned 250 shillings a month, a particularly high wage for a native African, which brought him financial independence and a growing sense of self-confidence.[42] Kenyatta lived in the Kilimani neighbourhood of Nairobi,[43] although he financed the construction of a second home at Dagoretti; he referred to this latter hut as the Kinyata Stores for he used it to hold general provisions for the neighborhood.[44] He had sufficient funds that he could lend money to European clerks in the offices,[45] and could enjoy the lifestyle offered by Nairobi, which included cinemas, football matches, and imported British fashions.[45] Kikuyu Central Association: 1922–1929 Kenyatta lobbied against many of the actions of Edward Grigg, Governor of Kenya. Grigg tried to suppress many of Kenyatta’s activities.Anti-imperialist sentiment was on the rise among both native and Indian communities in Kenya following the Irish War of Independence and the Russian October Revolution.[46] Many indigenous Africans resented having to carry kipande identity certificates at all times, being forbidden from growing coffee, and paying taxes without political representation.[47] Political upheavals occurred in Kikuyuland—the area inhabited largely by the Kikuyu—following World War I, among them the campaigns of Harry Thuku and the East African Association, resulting in the government massacre of 21 native protesters in March 1922.[48] Kenyatta had not taken part in these events,[49] perhaps so as not to disrupt his lucrative employment prospects.[43] Kenyatta’s interest in politics stemmed from his friendship with James Beauttah, a senior figure in the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA). Beauttah took Kenyatta to a political meeting in Pumwani, although this led to no firm involvement at the time.[50] In either 1925 or early 1926, Beauttah moved to Uganda, but remained in contact with Kenyatta.[46] When the KCA wrote to Beauttah and asked him to travel to London as their representative, he declined, but recommended that Kenyatta—who had a good command of English—go in his place.[51] Kenyatta accepted, probably on the condition that the Association matched his pre-existing wage.[52] He thus became the group’s secretary.[53] It is likely that the KCA purchased a motorbike for Kenyatta,[52] which he used to travel around Kikuyuland and neighbouring areas inhabited by the Meru and Embu, helping to establish new KCA branches.[54] In February 1928, he was part of a KCA party that visited Government House in Nairobi to give evidence in front of the Hilton Young Commission, which was then considering a federation between Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika.[55] In June, he was part of a KCA team which appeared before a select committee of the Kenyan Legislative Council to express concerns about the recent introduction of Land Boards. Introduced by the British Governor of Kenya, Edward Grigg, these Land Boards would hold all land in native reserves in trust for each tribal group. Both the KCA and the Kikuyu Association opposed these Land Boards, which treated Kikuyu land as collectively-owned rather than recognising individual Kikuyu land ownership.[56] Also in February, his daughter, Wambui Margaret, was born.[57] By this point he was increasingly using the name « Kenyatta », which had a more African appearance than « Johnstone ».[58] In May 1928, the KCA launched a Kikuyu-language magazine, Muĩgwithania (roughly translated as « The Reconciler » or « The Unifier »), in which it published news, articles, and homilies.[59] Its purpose was to help unify the Kikuyu and raise funds for the KCA.[60] Kenyatta was listed as the publication’s editor,[58] although Murray-Brown suggested that he was not the guiding hand behind it and that his duties were largely confined to translating into Kikuyu.[60] Aware that Thuku had been exiled for his activism, Kenyatta’s took a cautious approach to campaigning, and in Muĩgwithania he expressed support for the churches, district commissioners, and chiefs.[61] He also praised the British Empire, stating that: « The first thing [about the Empire] is that all people are governed justly, big or small—equally. The second thing is that nobody is regarded as a slave, everyone is free to do what he or she likes without being hindered. »[60] This did not prevent Grigg from writing to the authorities in London requesting permission to shut the magazine down.[57] OverseasLondon: 1929–1931After the KCA raised sufficient funds, in February 1929 Kenyatta sailed from Mombasa to Britain.[62] Grigg’s administration could not stop Kenyatta’s journey but asked London’s Colonial Office not to meet with him.[63] He initially stayed at the West African Students’ Union premises in West London, where he met Ladipo Solanke.[64] He then lodged with a prostitute; both this and Kenyatta’s lavish spending brought concern from the Church Mission Society.[65] His landlord subsequently impounded his belongings due to unpaid debt.[66] In the city, Kenyatta met with W. McGregor Ross at the Royal Empire Society, Ross briefing him on how to deal with the Colonial Office.[67] Kenyatta became friends with Ross’ family, and accompanied them to social events in Hampstead.[68] He also contacted anti-imperialists active in Britain, including the League Against Imperialism, Fenner Brockway, and Kingsley Martin.[69] Grigg was in London at the same time and, despite his opposition to Kenyatta’s visit, agreed to meet with him at the Rhodes Trust headquarters in April. At the meeting, Kenyatta raised the land issue and Thuku’s exile, the atmosphere between the two being friendly.[70] In spite of this, following the meeting, Grigg convinced Special Branch to monitor Kenyatta.[71] Kenyatta developed contacts with radicals to the left of the Labour Party, including several communists.[72] In the summer of 1929, he left London and traveled by Berlin to Moscow before returning to London in October.[73] Kenyatta was strongly influenced by his time in the Soviet Union.[74] Back in England, he wrote three articles on the Kenyan situation for the Communist Party of Great Britain’s newspapers, the Daily Worker and Sunday Worker. In these, his criticism of British imperialism was far stronger than it had been in Muĩgwithania.[75] These communist links concerned many of Kenyatta’s liberal patrons.[72] In January, Kenyatta met with Drummond Shiels, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, at the House of Commons. Kenyatta told Shiels that he was not affiliated with communist circles and was unaware of the nature of the newspaper which published his articles.[76] Shiels advised Kenyatta to return home to promote Kikuyu involvement in the constitutional process and discourage violence and extremism.[77] After eighteen months in Europe, Kenyatta had run out of money. The Anti-Slavery Society advanced him funds to pay off his debts and return to Kenya.[78] Although Kenyatta enjoyed life in London and feared arrest if he returned home,[79] he sailed back to Mombasa in September 1930.[80] On his return, his prestige among the Kikuyu was high because of his time spent in Europe.[81] In his absence, female genital mutilation (FGM) had become a topic of strong debate in Kikuyu society. The Protestant churches, backed by European medics and the colonial authorities, supported the abolition of this traditional practice, but the KCA rallied to its defence, claiming that its abolition would damage the structure of Kikuyu society.[82] Anger between the two sides had heightened, several churches expelling KCA members from their congregations, and it was widely believed that the January 1930 killing of an American missionary, Hulda Stumpf, had been due to the issue.[83] As Secretary of the KCA, Kenyatta met with church representatives. He expressed the view that although personally opposing FGM, he regarded its legal abolition as counter-productive, and argued that the churches should focus on eradicating the practice through educating people about its harmful effects on women’s health.[84] The meeting ended without compromise, and John Arthur—the head of the Church of Scotland in Kenya—later expelled Kenyatta from the church, citing what he deemed dishonesty during the debate.[85] In 1931, Kenyatta took his son out of the church school at Thogota and enrolled him in a KCA-approved, independent school.[86] Return to Europe: 1931–1933″With the support of all revolutionary workers and peasants we must redouble our efforts to break the bonds that bind us. We must refuse to give any support to the British imperialists either by paying taxes or obeying any of their slave laws! We can fight in unity with the workers and toilers of the whole world, and for a Free Africa. » —Kenyatta in the Labour Monthly, November 1933[87]In May 1931, Kenyatta and Parmenas Mockerie sailed for Britain, intent on representing the KCA at a Joint Committee of Parliament on the future of East Africa.[88] Kenyatta would not return to Kenya for fifteen years.[89] In Britain, he spent the summer attending an Independent Labour Party summer school and Fabian Society gatherings.[90] In June, he visited Geneva, Switzerland to attend a Save the Children conference on African children.[91] In November, he met the Indian independence leader Mohandas Gandhi while in London.[92] That month, he enrolled in the Woodbrooke Quaker College in Birmingham, where he remained until the spring of 1932, attaining a certificate in English writing.[93] In Britain, Kenyatta befriended an Afro-Caribbean Marxist, George Padmore, who was working for the Soviet-run Comintern.[94] Over time, he became Padmore’s protégé.[95] In late 1932, he joined Padmore in Germany.[96] Before the end of the year, the duo relocated to Moscow, where Kenyatta studied at the Communist University of the Toilers of the East.[97] There he was taught arithmetic, geography, natural science, and political economy, as well as Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the history of the Marxist-Leninist movement.[98] Many Africans and members of the African diaspora were attracted to the institution because it offered free education and the opportunity to study in an environment where they were treated with dignity, free from the institutionalised racism present in the U.S. and British Empire.[99] Kenyatta complained about the food, accommodation, and poor quality of English instruction.[72] There is no evidence that he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,[100] and one of his fellow students later characterised him as « the biggest reactionary I have ever met. »[101] Kenyatta also visited Siberia, probably as part of an official guided tour.[102] The emergence of Germany’s Nazi government shifted political allegiances in Europe; the Soviet Union pursued formal alliances with France and Czechoslovakia,[103] and thus reduced its support for the movement against British and French colonial rule in Africa.[104] As a result, Comintern disbanded the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, with which both Padmore and Kenyatta were affiliated. Padmore resigned from the Soviet Communist Party in protest, and was subsequently vilified in the Soviet press.[105] Both Padmore and Kenyatta left the Soviet Union, the latter returning to London in August 1933.[106] The British authorities were highly suspicious of Kenyatta’s time in the Soviet Union, suspecting that he was a Marxist-Leninist, and following his return the MI5 intelligence service intercepted and read all his mail.[107] Kenyatta continued writing articles, reflecting Padmore’s influence.[108] Between 1931 and 1937 he wrote several articles for the Negro Worker and joined the newspaper’s editorial board in 1933.[109] He also produced an article for a November 1933 issue of Labour Monthly,[110] and in May 1934 had a letter published in The Manchester Guardian.[111] He also wrote the entry on Kenya for Negro, an anthology edited by Nancy Cunard and published in 1934.[112] In these, he took a more radical position than he had in the past, calling for complete self-rule in Kenya.[113] In doing so he was virtually alone among political Kenyans; figures like Thuku and Jesse Kariuki were far more moderate in their demands.[114] The pro-independence sentiments that he was able to express in Britain would not have been permitted in Kenya itself.[87] University College London and the London School of Economics: 1933–1939Between 1935 and 1937, Kenyatta worked as a linguistic informant for the Phonetics Department at University College London (UCL); his Kikuyu voice recordings assisted Lilias Armstrong’s production of The Phonetic and Tonal Structure of Kikuyu.[115] The book was published under Armstrong’s name, although Kenyatta claimed he should have been listed as co-author.[116] He enrolled at UCL as a student, studying an English course between January and July 1935 and then a phonetics course from October 1935 to June 1936.[117] Enabled by a grant from the International African Institute,[118] he also took a social anthropology course under Bronisław Malinowski at the London School of Economics (LSE). Kenyatta lacked the qualifications normally required to join the course, but Malinowski was keen to support the participation of indigenous peoples in anthropological research.[119] For Kenyatta, acquiring an advanced degree would bolster his status among Kenyans and display his intellectual equality with white Europeans in Kenya.[120] Over the course of his studies, Kenyatta and Malinowski became close friends.[121] Fellow course-mates included the anthropologists Audrey Richards, Lucy Mair, and Elspeth Huxley.[122] Another of his fellow LSE students was Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, who invited Kenyatta to stay with him and his mother, Princess Marie Bonaparte, in Paris during the spring of 1936.[123] 95 Cambridge Street, London, where Kenyatta resided for much of his time in London; it is now marked by a blue plaque.Kenyatta returned to his former dwellings at 95 Cambridge Street,[124] but did not pay his landlady for over a year, owing over £100 in rent.[125] This angered Ross and contributed to the breakdown of their friendship.[126] He then rented a Camden Town flat with his friend Dinah Stock, whom he met at an anti-imperialist rally in Trafalgar Square.[127] Kenyatta socialised at the Student Movement House in Russell Square, which he had joined in the spring of 1934,[128] and befriended Africans in the city.[129] To earn money, he worked as one of 250 black extras in the film Sanders of the River, filmed at Shepperton Studios in Autumn 1934.[129] Several other Africans in London criticized him for doing so, arguing that the film degraded black people.[130] Appearing in the film also allowed him to meet and befriend its star, the African-American Paul Robeson.[131] In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia (Abyssinia), incensing Kenyatta and other Africans in London; he became the honorary secretary of the International African Friends of Abyssinia, a group established by Padmore and C. L. R. James.[132] When Ethiopia’s monarch Haile Selassie fled to London in exile, Kenyatta personally welcomed him at Waterloo station.[133] This group developed into a wider pan-Africanist organisation, the International African Service Bureau (IASB), of which Kenyatta became one of the vice chairs.[134] Kenyatta began giving anti-colonial lectures across Britain for groups like the IASB, the Workers’ Educational Association, Indian National Congress of Great Britain, and the League of Coloured Peoples.[135] In October 1938, he gave a talk to the Manchester Fabian Society in which he described British colonial policy as fascism and compared the treatment of indigenous people in East Africa to the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany.[136] In response to these activities, the British Colonial Office reopened their file on him, although could not find any evidence that he was engaged in anything sufficiently seditious to warrant prosecution.[137] Kenyatta assembled the essays on Kikuyu society written for Malinowski’s class and published them as Facing Mount Kenya in 1938.[138] Featuring an introduction written by Malinowski,[139] the book reflected Kenyatta’s desire to use anthropology as a weapon against colonialism.[122] In it, Kenyatta challenged the Eurocentric view of history by presenting an image of a golden African past by emphasising the perceived order, virtue, and self-sufficiency of Kikuyu society.[140] Utilising a functionalist framework,[141] he promoted the idea that traditional Kikuyu society had a cohesion and integrity that was better than anything offered by European colonialism.[142] In this book, Kenyatta made clear his belief that the rights of the individual should be downgraded in favour of the interests of the group.[143] The book also reflected his changing views on female genital mutilation; where once he opposed it, he now unequivocally supported the practice, downplaying the medical dangers that it posed to women.[144] The book’s jacket cover featured an image of Kenyatta in traditional dress, wearing a skin cloak over one shoulder and carrying a spear.[145] The book was published under the name « Jomo Kenyatta », the first time that he had done so; the term Jomo was close to a Kikuyu word describing the removal of a sword from its scabbard.[146] Facing Mount Kenya was a commercial failure, selling only 517 copies, but was generally well received;[147] an exception was among white Kenyans, whose assumptions about the Kikuyu being primitive savages in need of European civilization it challenged.[148] Murray-Brown later described it as « a propaganda tour de force. No other African had made such an uncompromising stand for tribal integrity. »[149] Bodil Folke Frederiksen, a scholar of development studies, referred to it as « probably the most well-known and influential African scholarly work of its time »,[150] while for fellow scholar Simon Gikandi, it was « one of the major texts in what has come to be known as the invention of tradition in colonial Africa ».[151] World War II: 1939–1945″In the last war 300,000 of my people fought in the British Army to drive the Germans from East Africa and 60,000 of them lost their lives. In this war large numbers of my people have been fighting to smash fascist power in Africa and have borne some of the hardest fights against the Italians. Surely if we are considered fit enough to take our rifles and fight side by side with white men we have a right to a direct say in the running of our country and to education. » —Kenyatta, during World War II[152]After the United Kingdom entered World War II in September 1939, Kenyatta and Stock moved to the Sussex village of Storrington.[153] Kenyatta remained there for the duration of the war, renting a flat and a small plot of land to grow vegetables and raise chickens.[154] He settled into rural Sussex life,[155] and became a regular at the village pub, where he gained the nickname « Jumbo ».[156] In August 1940, he took a job at a local farm as an agricultural worker—allowing him to evade military conscription—before working in the tomato greenhouses at Lindfield.[157] He attempted to join the local Home Guard, but was turned down.[152] On 11 May 1942 he married an English woman, Edna Grace Clarke, at Chanctonbury Registry Office.[158] In August 1943, their son, Peter Magana, was born.[158] Intelligence services continued monitoring Kenyatta, noting that he was politically inactive between 1939 and 1944.[159] In Sussex, he wrote an essay for the United Society for Christian Literature, My People of Kikuyu and the Life of Chief Wangombe, in which he called for his tribe’s political independence.[160] He also began—although never finished—a novel partly based on his life experiences.[161] He continued to give lectures around the country, including to groups of East African soldiers stationed in Britain.[162] He became frustrated by the distance between him and Kenya, telling Edna that he felt « like a general separated by 5000 miles from his troops ».[163] While he was absent, Kenya’s authorities banned the KCA in 1940.[164] Kenyatta and other senior IASB members began planning the fifth Pan-African Congress, held in Manchester in October 1945.[165] They were assisted by Kwame Nkrumah, a Gold Coast (Ghanaian) who arrived in Britain earlier that year.[166] Kenyatta spoke at the conference, although made no particular impact on the proceedings.[167] Much of the debate that took place centred on whether indigenous Africans should continue pursuing a gradual campaign for independence or whether they should seek the military overthrow of the European imperialists.[168] The conference ended with a statement declaring that while delegates desired a peaceful transition to African self-rule, Africans « as a last resort, may have to appeal to force in the effort to achieve Freedom ».[167] Kenyatta supported this resolution, although was more cautious than other delegates and made no open commitment to violence.[169] He subsequently authored an IASB pamphlet, Kenya: The Land of Conflict, in which he blended political calls for independence with romanticised descriptions of an idealised pre-colonial African past.[170] Return to KenyaPresidency of the Kenya African Union: 1946–1952After British victory in World War II, Kenyatta received a request to return to Kenya in September 1946, sailing back that month.[171] He decided not to bring Edna—who was pregnant with a second child[172]—with him, aware that if they joined him in Kenya their lives would be made very difficult by the colony’s racial laws.[173] On his arrival in Mombasa, Kenyatta was greeted by his first wife, Grace Wahu and their children.[174] He built a bungalow at Gatundu, near to where he was born, and began farming his 32-acre estate.[175] Kenyatta met with the new Governor of Kenya, Philip Euen Mitchell, and in March 1947 accepted a post on an African Land Settlement Board, holding the post for two years.[176] He also met with Mbiyu Koinange to discuss the future of the Koinange Independent Teachers’ College in Githungui, Koinange appointing Kenyatta as its Vice-Principal.[177] In May 1947, Koinange moved to England, leaving Kenyatta to take full control of the college.[178] Under Kenyatta’s leadership, additional funds were raised for the construction of school buildings and the number of boys in attendance rose from 250 to 900.[179] It was also beset with problems, including a decline in standards and teachers’ strikes over non-payment of wages. Gradually, the number of enrolled pupils fell.[180] Kenyatta built a friendship with Koinange’s father, a Senior Chief, who gave Kenyatta one of his daughters to take as his third wife.[177] She bore him another child, but later died in childbirth.[181] In 1951, he married his fourth wife, Ngina, who was one of the few female students at his college; she then gave birth to a daughter.[182] In October 1951 Kenyatta selected colors for the KAU flag: green for the land, black for the skin of the people, and red for the blood of liberty.[183]In August 1944, the Kenya African Union (KAU) had been founded; at that time it was the only active political outlet for indigenous Africans in the colony.[184] At its June 1947 annual general meeting, KAU’s President James Gichuru stepped down and Kenyatta was elected as his replacement.[185] Kenyatta began to draw large crowds wherever he travelled in Kikuyuland,[186] and Kikuyu press began describing him as the « Saviour », « Great Elder », and « Hero of Our Race ».[187] He was nevertheless aware that to achieve independence, KAU needed the support of other indigenous tribes and ethnic groups.[188] This was made difficult by the fact that many Maasai and Luo—tribes traditionally hostile to the Kikuyu—regarded him as an advocate of Kikuyu dominance.[189] He insisted on intertribal representation on the KAU executive and ensured that party business was conducted in Swahili, the lingua franca of indigenous Kenyans.[189] To attract support from Kenya’s Indian community, he made contact with Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the new Indian republic. Nehru’s response was supportive, sending a message to Kenya’s Indian minority reminding them that they were the guests of the indigenous African population.[186] Relations with the white minority remained strained; for most white Kenyans, Kenyatta was their principal enemy, an agitator with links to the Soviet Union who had the impertinence to marry a white woman.[190] They too increasingly called for further Kenyan autonomy from the British government, but wanted continued white-minority rule and closer links to the white-minority governments of South Africa, Northern Rhodesia, and Southern Rhodesia; they viewed Britain’s newly elected Labour government with great suspicion.[191] The white Electors’ Union put forward a « Kenya Plan » which proposed greater white settlement in Kenya, bringing Tanganyika into the British Empire, and incorporating it within their new British East African Dominion.[192] In April 1950, Kenyatta was present at a joint meeting of KAU and the East African Indian National Congress in which they both expressed opposition to the Kenya Plan.[193] By 1952, Kenyatta was widely recognized as a national leader, both by his supporters and by his opponents.[194] As KAU leader, he was at pains to oppose all illegal activity, including workers’ strikes.[195] He called on his supporters to work hard, and to abandon laziness, theft, and crime.[196] He also insisted that in an independent Kenya, all racial groups would be safeguarded.[197] Kenyatta’s gradualist and peaceful approach contrasted with the growth of the Mau Mau Uprising, as armed guerrilla groups began targeting the white minority and members of the Kikuyu community who did not support them. By 1959, the Mau Mau had killed around 1,880 people.[198] For many young Mau Mau militants, Kenyatta was regarded as a hero,[199] and they included his name in the oaths they gave to the organisation; such oathing was a Kikuyu custom by which individuals pledged allegiance to another.[200] Kenyatta publicly distanced himself from the Mau Mau.[201] In April 1952, he began a speaking tour in which he denounced the Mau Mau to assembled crowds, insisting that independence must be achieved through peaceful means.[202] In August he attended a much-publicised mass meeting in Kiambu where—in front of 30,000 people—he said that « Mau Mau has spoiled the country. Let Mau Mau perish forever. All people should search for Mau Mau and kill it. »[203] Despite Kenyatta’s vocal opposition to the Mau Mau, KAU had moved towards a position of greater militancy.[193] At its 1951 AGM, more militant African nationalists had taken senior positions and the party officially announced its call for Kenyan independence within three years.[183] In January 1952, KAU members formed a secret Central Committee devoted to direct action, formulated along a cell structure.[183] Whatever Kenyatta’s views on these developments, he had little ability to control them.[181] He was increasingly frustrated, and—without the intellectual companionship he experienced in Britain—felt lonely.[204] Trial: 1952–1953″We Africans are in the majority [in Kenya], and we should have self-government. That does not mean we should not take account of whites, provided we have the key position. We want to be friendly with whites. We don’t want to be dominated by them. » —Kenyatta, quoted by the Daily Express, September 1952[205]In October 1952, Kenyatta was arrested and driven to Nairobi, where he was taken aboard a plane and flown to Lokitaung, northwest Kenya, one of the most remote locations in the country.[206] From there he wrote to his family to let them know of his situation.[207] Kenya’s authorities believed that detaining Kenyatta would help quell civil unrest.[208] Many white settlers wanted him exiled, but the government feared this would turn him into a martyr for the anti-colonialist cause.[209] They thought it better that he be convicted and imprisoned, although at the time had nothing to charge him with, and so began searching his personal files for evidence of criminal activity.[208] Eventually, they charged him and five senior KAU members with masterminding the Mau Mau, a proscribed group.[210] The historian John M. Lonsdale stated that Kenyatta had been made a « scapegoat »,[211] while the historian A. B. Assensoh later suggested that the authorities « knew very well » that Kenyatta was not involved in the Mau Mau, but that they were nevertheless committed to silencing his calls for independence.[212] The trial took place in Kapenguria, a remote area near the Ugandan border that the authorities hoped would not attract crowds or attention.[213] Together, Kenyatta, Bildad Kaggia, Fred Kubai, Paul Ngei, Achieng Oneko and Kung’u Karumba—the « Kapenguria Six »—were put on trial.[208] The defendants assembled an international and multiracial team of defence lawyers, including Chaman Lall, H. O. Davies, F. R. S. De Souza, and Dudley Thompson, led by British barrister and Member of Parliament Denis Nowell Pritt.[210] Pritt’s involvement brought much media attention;[210] during the trial he faced government harassment and was sent death threats.[214] The judge selected, Ransley Thacker, had recently retired from the Supreme Court of Kenya;[210] the government knew he would be sympathetic to their case and gave him £20,000 to oversee it.[215] The trial lasted five months: Rawson Macharia, the main prosecution witness, turned out to have perjured himself; the judge had only recently been awarded an unusually large pension and maintained secret contact with the then colonial Governor Evelyn Baring.[216] The prosecution failed to produce any strong evidence that Kenyatta or the other accused had any involvement in managing the Mau Mau.[217] In April 1953, Judge Thacker found the defendants guilty.[218] He sentenced them to seven years’ hard labour, to be followed by indefinite restriction preventing them from leaving a given area without permission.[219] In addressing the court, Kenyatta stated that he and the others did not recognise the judge’s findings; they claimed that the government had used them as scapegoats as a pretext to shut down KAU.[220] The historian Wunyabari O. Maloba later characterised it as « a rigged political trial with a predetermined outcome ».[215] The government followed the verdict with a wider crackdown, banning KAU in June 1953,[221] and closing down most of the independent schools in the country, including Kenyatta’s.[221] It appropriated his land at Gatundu and demolished his house.[222] Kenyatta and the others were returned to Lokitaung, where they resided on remand while awaiting the results of the appeal process.[223] Pritt pointed out that Thacker had been appointed magistrate for the wrong district, a technicality voiding the whole trial; the Supreme Court of Kenya concurred and Kenyatta and the others were freed in July 1953, only to be immediately re-arrested.[223] The government took the case to the East African Court of Appeal, which reversed the Supreme Court’s decision in August.[223] The appeals process resumed in October 1953, and in January 1954 the Supreme Court upheld the convictions against all but Oneko.[224] Pritt finally took the case to the Privy Council in London, but they refused his petition without providing an explanation. He later noted that this was despite the fact his case was one of the strongest he had ever presented during his career.[225] According to Murray-Brown, it is likely that political, rather than legal considerations, informed their decision to reject the case.[224] Imprisonment: 1954–1961 Tanzanian children with signs demanding Kenyatta’s releaseDuring the appeal process, a prison had been built at Lokitaung, where Kenyatta and the four others were then interned.[226] The others were made to break rocks in the hot sun but Kenyatta, because of his age, was instead appointed their cook, preparing a daily diet of beans and posho.[227] In 1955, P. de Robeck became the District Officer, after which Kenyatta and the other inmates were treated more leniently.[228] In April 1954, they had been joined by a captured Mau Mau commander, Waruhiu Itote; Kenyatta befriended him, and gave him English lessons.[229] By 1957, the inmates had formed into two rival cliques, with Kenyatta and Itote on one side and the other KAU members—now calling themselves the « National Democratic Party »—on the other.[230] In one incident, one of his rivals made an unsuccessful attempt to stab Kenyatta at breakfast.[231] Kenyatta’s health had deteriorated in prison; manacles had caused problems for his feet and he had eczema across his body.[232] Kenyatta’s imprisonment transformed him into a political martyr for many Kenyans, further enhancing his status.[194] A Luo anti-colonial activist, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, was the first to publicly call for Kenyatta’s release, an issue that gained growing support among Kenya’s anti-colonialists.[233] In 1955, the British writer Montagu Slater—a socialist sympathetic to Kenyatta’s plight—released The Trial of Jomo Kenyatta, a book which raised the profile of the case.[234] In 1958, Rawson Macharia, the key witness in the state’s prosecution of Kenyatta, signed an affidavit swearing that his evidence against Kenyatta had been false; this was widely publicised.[235] By the late 1950s, the imprisoned Kenyatta had become a symbol of African nationalism across the continent.[236] His sentence served, in April 1959 Kenyatta was released from Lokitaung.[237] The administration then placed a restricting order on Kenyatta, forcing him to reside in the remote area of Lodwar, where he had to report to the district commissioner twice a day.[238] There, he was joined by his wife Ngina.[239] In October 1961 she bore him another son, Uhuru, and later on another daughter, Nyokabi, and a further son, Muhoho.[240] Kenyatta spent two years in Lodwar.[241] The Governor of Kenya, Patrick Muir Renison, insisted that it was necessary; in a March 1961 speech, he described Kenyatta an « African leader to darkness and death » and stated that if he were released, violence would erupt.[242] Among those lobbying for Kenyatta’s release from indefinite detention were Tanganyika’s Julius Nyerere and Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah.This indefinite detention was widely interpreted internationally as a reflection of the cruelties of British imperialism.[243] Calls for his release came from the Chinese government,[244] India’s Nehru,[245] and Tanganyika’s Prime Minister Julius Nyerere.[246] Kwame Nkrumah—whom Kenyatta had known since the 1940s and who was now President of a newly independent Ghana—personally raised the issue with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and other UK officials,[247] w

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